"We'll deal with it."
"Wir schaffen das" has become German Chancellor Angela Merkel's "yes we can" almost by accident. Her biographer says it had been an in-joke among her inner circle, a parody of old East German propaganda.
But it slipped out accidentally in one of the most important speeches of her career 11 months ago when she committed her country to accepting what would be a million refugees from the Middle East in just a few months.
It became the defining phrase of her chancellorship.
And she used it again, this time deliberately, when she faced the press on Thursday for a 90-minute press conference dealing with a crisis in public confidence after a string of violent attacks, some linked to the so-called Islamic State, including Germany's first suicide bombing in years.
The questions voiced a country's fears.
"Is the influx of terrorists a necessary price to pay for Germany's humanitarian impulse?" asked one journalist.
Another asked if "massive sexual assaults" such as those in Cologne at New Year's Eve or more recently at a public swimming pool "are now part and parcel of German identity until the integration (of new migrants) works?"
But Dr Merkel was impassive, unemotional, matter-of-fact. She was the "Mutti" (mother) Germany has come to rely on.
No, she said, we shouldn't put up with this.
She presented a nine-point plan: beefing up intelligence on potential radicals, improving the processing of asylum seekers, deporting criminals.
A chemistry PhD, she talked about the "litmus test" Germany faced.
"Wir schaffen das."
That phrase again.
"It's much more than coping or managing, it's sort of self-assuring, we are strong, we as a people this is a challenge for us and we will master this challenge, we will grow with this challenge," translates Stefan Kornelius, journalist for Suddeutsche Zeitung and writer of an authorised biography on the chancellor. "It's almost a moral appeal, we will not be dragged down by this, this is something we will walk away from with our heads up and come out stronger than we went into it."
Two weeks of violence, some of it linked to IS, some linked to migration, have shaken Germany.
On July 18, in Wuerzburg, Bavaria, in Germany's south, a 17-year-old Afghan asylum seeker who had entered the country as an unaccompanied minor in 2015 attacked train passengers with an axe and a knife.
He had reportedly been upset by news of the death of a friend. But IS claimed him as one of its fighters and police found a hand-drawn IS flag in his bedroom, along with a note praying for "revenge on these infidels".
Four days later, 18-year-old Ali Sonboly opened fire with a handgun outside a Munich McDonald's then entered a shopping centre, killing nine and injuring 21, spreading panic through the Bavarian city. He then killed himself. Three hundred rounds of unused ammunition were still in his backpack.
Sonboly, the German son of Iranian refugees, had long obsessed with mass murders and far-right terrorist Anders Breivik, who in 2011 murdered 77 in Oslo.
Two days after that, a 21-year-old Syrian asylum-seeker killed a woman with a kebab shop meat cleaver after an argument, in what police later decided to treat as a "crime of passion". He had a history of violence.
Then, that night, a 27-year-old Syrian who had been denied asylum in 2015 but remained in the country blew himself up and wounded 15 outside a wine bar in Ansbach, a small Bavarian town that was hosting a music festival. He had reportedly tried to enter the festival but was turned away. IS claimed him as a "soldier of the Islamic State". He had recorded a video on his mobile phone professing loyalty to IS. He had also twice attempted suicide, alone.
Dr Merkel had been taking time off at her country cottage north of Berlin, an old homestead in a tiny village, set in a pastoral landscape of rolling hills and tidy, sun-dappled woods.
This week she had planned to head to the Salzburg festival, followed by her favourite summer pastime: hiking in the northern Italian mountains.
But on Tuesday she decided to go back to work.
"She saw there was something boiling up," Kornelius says.
She called forward her annual ask-me-anything press conference, which she usually holds at the end of the northern summer.
At the previous one, she announced Germany would respond to the unfolding migration crisis on the borders of Europe by offering a haven for all Syrian refugees: triggering a mass migration that added a million people to her country's population by the end of the year.
This time, the theme was different.
"The two men who came to us as refugees and are responsible for the deeds in Wuerzburg and Ansbach slap the country in the face which took them in," Dr Merkel said. "It mocks the volunteers that are willing to help and it mocks others that are seeking our help to escape from violence and war; those who want to live in freedom."
Her political decisions, she said, would not be guided by fear. "I am deeply convinced that we cannot let our way of life be destroyed," she said. "We will provide security to our citizens and we will be able to master the integration challenges."
Says Kornelius: "This is all about reassurance.
"This is not really stopping terrorism. It's trying to prevent the public from going hysterical or sort of crazy.
"Germany was not a major terrorism target until now. (These attacks) have fuelled a sense of vulnerability, of being under attack … She definitely knows this is ongoing, this will continue. She will be under severe pressure for the final year of her term and she will have to come up with an answer."
Far right German party Alternative for Germany (AfD) accused Merkel of "bringing terror to Germany" through its open-door refugee policy.
In recent months it has threatened to disintegrate through internal bickering, with its leader Frauke Petry struggling to maintain unity. But it still strikes a chord in many parts of the country. And even some on the left have made calls for new controls, such as all migrants to be vetted.
German's ambassador to Britain, Dr Peter Ammon, told the BBC that Germany was in shock.
"(But) the majority of Germans still support the decision to take the humanitarian course and let these people in," he said. "The political debate in Germany that tries to exploit (the attacks) for their own purposes is limited to the fringes."
Dr Andrew Watt, deputy director at the Hans-Bockler Foundation in Dusseldorf, agrees.
"The centre of German politics is more or less holding," he says. "They're holding the line Merkel has been talking about now, that it's important for Germany to be open. Some refer to Germany's own past as a country where people were forced into exile and had to have asylum, the anti-fascist tradition, the humanitarian tradition. That is holding.
"The events of the last week don't help, and that plays to certain prejudices."
Some groups felt "vindicated" by the attacks in their prior opposition to Dr Merkel's immigration policy, Dr Watt said. The country-wide consensus on migration is "wavering".
But Dr Watt says unlike in other countries such as Britain or Austria, none of the popular press are stoking anti-immigration sentiment.
German TV is full of programs on this mayor or that administrator, following how they are coping with the migrant influx. Germans love to think of themselves as super-organisers.
And the press focuses on stories such as that of Amir Najiarzadeh, a 20-year-old security guard at the Olympia Einkaufszentrum in Munich where the young gunman opened fire. Najiarzadeh, a refugee who fled Afghanistan and has lived in Germany for 3½ years, led 200 people to safety in the mall basement.
Another big influence on opinions, Dr Watt believes, is the economic and labour market situation. Germany is an industrial powerhouse with an ageing population and near-full employment in many parts of the country. Migration has a humanitarian logic and an economic one.
Finally, he says, Dr Merkel herself is still secure in her political supremacy. There is no obvious successor or challenger. Her politics are the politics of the country.
"She has this mother-figure like aura about her," he says. "People could hardly imagine life without her as leader."
Germans are nervously looking over the border at France, for clues on what to do – and what not to do – with its migrant intake.
France's recent terror attacks are on another level. The huge death toll in Nice this month, and the gruesome murder of a Normandy priest this week, follow on from Charlie Hebdo and the November 2015 terrorist attacks in a seemingly unstoppable stream of horror.
Many of the French terrorists radicalised by IS are the children of immigrants.
IS has found fanatical recruits among the banlieues, the poor slums on the fringes of French cities, where a large population of Muslims landed from France's north African colonies in the late 1960s and '70s.
Dr Joseph Downing, fellow at the London School of Economics and an expert on social policy in Europe, warns against drawing a too-simplistic lesson about some dormant threat in an immigrant population let down by their adopted country.
"These large decaying housing estates in the suburbs of Paris (have) unparalleled conditions in Western Europe ... They really have done a poor job of it," he says.
"But given the large number of individuals living in those conditions in France – which has to be in the millions – the numbers that are taking part in terrorist activities is extremely small."
He says the perceived wisdom that Islamist extremism breeds in deprivation is a "problematic explanation for terrorism – it puts a large number of people under suspicion who will not do anything wrong". And vice versa: the Nice attacker, for example, was from a perfectly ordinary suburb.
"The explanation that we don't like to think about because it scares us is that there isn't a set of social or life experiences that causes people to do these things … they're disturbed individuals, and some come from socially disturbed backgrounds, and others don't."
A team of French researchers recently went to the banlieues to test the theory of the rise of "scary radicalisation" there, Dr Downing says, and instead found an Islam that reconciled being French and being Muslim.
"It wasn't the problem the papers made out. It's unlikely, even if things go badly for Germany that they're going to face a massive problem with terrorism in five or so years."
And Dr Downing says Germany has made a smart choice of refugee populations. Syria was a well-developed and well-educated country.
"It's highly likely they will integrate into the labour market, they will seek to open businesses and do well," he says. "It's much more of a middle-class migration than it seems."
For the time being, at least, Dr Merkel is giving the impression of being in control.
But, warns Kornelius, "this might not be the end".
"I was a little bit surprised how quickly things spiralled out of control at the Munich incident. ... The whole city within three hours was in a state of chaos and utter panic. People were running through the streets screaming and hiding.
"That was really frightening that you can so easily increase tensions and make people uneasy and lose control.
"I think this country hasn't really 'seen it' yet. When we really have a Paris-style attack I can't vouch for anything this country will do or not do."
